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An impatient strategy session

In the Fog Island Tavern

– I just don’t understand things anymore, Bog-Hubert

– Understand what, Vodçek?

– Anything. Why bright people keep complaining. About things they don’t like. Blamimg people about what happened, moaning about what is going to happen. But don’t having anything better to offer. And why people who actually have something to offer can’t get around to even get it out there for discussion. Much less actually doing something useful.

– Hmm. I’d agree with the first part there, Vodçek. The folks who lost the election? Or the ones who won but don’t have more than a concept of a plan for what they’re going to do? Or the ones who didn’t even vote because they didn’t like either option? 

– Which seems like a somewhat rational option.  What, commissioner?

– Well, isn’t voting, free elections, the essential basis of democracy? 

– Maybe just to avoid getting blamed for the results of either choice. But how come that grand basis of democracy ends up producing outcomes people in both camps are complaining about? Both the folks who are voting themselves authoritarian or some other ‘-isist’ leaders? Ironically, by voting?  And the ones who are appalled about that?

– Ah, the old paradox of democracy… The free elections to vote yourself a dictator…

– Don’t distract us from the topic with old paradoxes, Professor. What about those who say that the democratic systems and rules just need to be applied right? 

– So why don’t they get people to actually vote for that?  

– Well, some do, but don’t have enough charisma or something. But there are issues that fundamentally can’t be properly resolved by elections, by voting. 

– What are those? 

– You can’t get around the old fact that majority voting ends up leaving up to half the population dissatisfied. As if all the debating and advertising and funny caps resolve all the pros and cons and misunderstandings. But now there’s  also the concern that so many problems we are facing affect people across two or several borders: Voting districts, countries, the entire globe. All with different governance mechanisms and rules so it’s impossible to even decide who is properly allowed to vote

– Yes: the ‘non-local’ or even ‘global’ controversies? 

– Right. And Vodçek is right when he doesn’t understand why people don’t seem to even want to talk about that. Why, for example, the experts with the computers and simulation models who used to claim that systems thinking is humanity’s currently best tool for tackling just those global crises: why are they all dealing with ‘approaches’ for solving problems with small Face-to-face groups of selected members of very ‘partisan’ entities locked in competitive market-share, growth-obsessed win-lose mindsets. Even ST folks begin to advocate ‘floating’: refraining from recommendations for what to do, but instead getting ‘understanding’ by just observing what happens by letting things evolve and happen? Not even talking about taking responsibility for the problems their earlier so confident recipes themselves may have contributed to the current state of things? That we now can’t begin to understand much less ‘solve’? Sorry for the long rant.

– You got several points there, Bog-hubert. But what about the second part of Vodçek’s  complaint, the one you don’t seem to agree with? Or did I not understand what you meant there? About people who may have viable ideas but that we don’t hear from?

– Thanks for coming back to that one, Professor. Well, I may not be well enough informed about everything that’s going on out there. But so much of what I hear and read is put in so general terms as to sound just like a wish list of ideals — freedom, equality, dealing with climate change (or its effects, if not its causes, especially if it is claimed that are caused by what we humans do), pollution, crime, immigration, poverty, health issues and epidemics, wars, and so on. Sure. But not much specifics: what agreements, policies, projects are needed to actually achieve those things — to the satisfaction of everybody, not just a small minority of people? 

– Coming to think about it, I have often wondered about the specifics we do read about: those ’benchmark goals’ — to reach such a critical value of a variable to reach by such and such date. But little abou how to get there? Ban habit or practice X? Or, if we don’t like that, for whatever reason, ban the books and don’t fund the research and teaching that produce the recommendations?

– Wait, guys. Don’t we know there are many people individuals and groups that are working and actually trying out better ways of doing things? Sure, mostly small groups and initiatives, as you pointed out, it seems. But fascinating and promising things and ideas that should be supported and tried out. I have heard you and AbbeBoulah talk about those things right here in Vodçek’s tavern, Bog-Hubert?

– True. The problem, in my mind, is that they are not adequatey supported, don’t communicate well among each other, and aren’t accessibly integrated in a comprehensive discourse leading to widely accepted agreements. Feasible agreements that won’t make life miserable for significant parts of the world’s population. Or so controversial as to trigger strong opposition and even war. ‘

– You say ‘feasible’ — isn’t that a key problem in itself? Do we have the means, the tools, the procedural provisions to get the needed things done? Much as we are all for those wonderful goals?

– Yes, Commissioner, good question. I don’t see much about proposals and discussion of the practical details for actually reaching agreements about what should be done about the problems. And about people or institutions who have something useful to say about those issues but aren’t coming forward with their ideas? 

– I was going to ask you about just that: Hasn’t your, or rather Abbeboulah’s, buddy at the university been working on just such ideas?  What keeps him from coming forward?

– You are right. That was what Vodçek was getting upset about  — the heated discussion right here about that last night

– Sorry I missed that. Anything useful coming out of that? 

– Well, if there was, Vodçek still isn’t happy with the outcome. He is mad at our friend for not coming up with a clear statement about his ideas, just papers and books,  Maybe it’s the way it’s displayed, communicated? No grand manifesto written on the napkins political leaders could use for their speeches. But some general agreement strategy might be summarized, by a skilful journalist. At least about the preparatory steps for making use of the insights and work that’s already going on, that were mentioned.

– Can’t you tell us about some of that, briefly?

– Good question. It got late and my maturity-based privileges include memory lapses you’ll have to consider. 

– Try anyway.

– Okay. There are indeed a few things you might call preparatory provisions, to facilitate the process for planning, policy-making and governance, that should be started as soon as possible instead of the endless commiserating about the various trends and election results. And while I can list them only one at a time, they aren’t in a systematic step-by step sequence but should be started  and pursued simultaneously.

– We’ll keep that in mind. Go on.

– A few headings: The discourse platform, with provisions for evaluation of contributions, that lead to agreements based on the merit of the contributions.  The need for better measures of performance of plans and policies: ’merit point accounts’ and their use for better empowerment of the public, as well as control of power of official figures. Better provisions  (‘sanctions’) to ensure adherence to agreements. Each of these will require more work, publication, research, developments and testing before full implementation: they are urgent global discussion agenda items: More specifics?

– Please.

Okay:

o The Public Planning Discourse Platform. The development of such a platform is a main concern, especially for ‘non-local’ and ’global’ projects. Open to all involved or affected parties, neutral, but with some more detailed ‘netiquettte’ provisions, for example avoiding mere repetition, personal characterization of other participants, straying from topics being discussed, etc. ‘Unformatted’ contributions must be accepted, but offer concise, comprehensive overviews of the state of the discourse. This will require some formalization agreements. Incentives for participation, and for evaluation of the merit of contributions. Separating claims of ‘content’ from judgments of their merit: plausibility, not just ‘truth’, supporting evidence, significance etc. Development of decision or agreement support based on that merit, transparently — supplementing the ‘vote’ counts of number of affected parties.  

o ‘Game versions’ of the platform. The development of an overall platform for global projects will take effort, time; and experiments for testing and importantly, education of the public in using the tools. This can be done with discourse ‘games’ played on cellphones; but protocols for ‘live events’ on small projects of public planning forum events. 

o Evaluation procedures.  Two main ‘evaluation tasks’ for which appropriate procedures must be developed:  a) evaluation of discourse contributions — ideas, proposals, concepts and details, arguments, information comments; and b) the quality or ‘goodness’ of the evolving plan or policy ‘solutions’. The two tasks are of course related:  the aggregated judgments for (b) should be based on the merit of (a) judgments. But their purpose is different: (a)-judgments will be used to build up individual partiipant’s ‘merit point accounts’ that will become measures of their judgment, trustworthiness and familiarity with the subject matter of the discourse; while (b)-judgments are the basis for the ‘plan goodness’ decision indicators. (There are several such indicators, not just one yes/no vote for each solution alternative: any proposed plan has at least two: accept, reject and don’t do anything about the problem).

o Empowerment versus control of power. Currently, this issue does not seem to be considered a topic of design or discussion for change: parties involved in public controversies are seen as seeking the (unilateral) power to make the decisions, as a matter of course, within the traditional systems of rules and ‘balance’ constraints. Their common shortcomings include reliance on coercive sanctions the more powerful party imposes on violators, and opponents, rather than on the outcome of deliberative reasoning and negotiation. Which, on the international — global — level still ends up with the application of force: war. Acceptance of this ignores fundamental aspects of the issue:  First, human beings seek ‘empowerment’ — to control and ‘make a difference’ in their lives’, as well as to experience the ‘adrenaline rushes’ of exercising power. Second, the historical insight that power is addictive and impairs the power holder’s mental stability: the ‘Caligula syndrome’. The frequency and severity of ‘global’ challenges calling for ‘global’ decisions, as well as the frightening coercive and destructive forces of modern war weaponry makes the development of better tools for managing these conflicting forces an immensely urgent agenda item. 

o For all these agenda items, we know there are ideas and tools available or being considered, but comprehensive and globally accepted application to the current challenges is dangerously neglected: the opposing attitudes of ‘saving democracy’ (as currently practiced) and the trends to return to governance patterns (e.g. reliance on the power and judgment of authoritative leaders) from recent and distant historical past periods are equally flawed. Unworthy of the human wisdom acquired throughout history from so many failures and suffering and so many unnecessary deaths.

– Thanks for listening to this summary. Something to think about and work to do. I’m sure there are questions:  perhaps we could continue this tomorrow? 


PUZZLEMENTS

WHAT AM I MISSING?

What I see and perceive:

So many voices decrying the current state of the country and the world. To the point of using powerful and sometimes questionable means to achieve change. So many voices questioning and deploring proposed changes — but not offering better answers. And so many voices — on all sides — denouncing the proponents of the ‘other’ side as morally, legally and judgmentally deficient, using questionable characterization, using derogatory words with which to describe those proponents and blame them for the problems.

What I think or suspect I understand:

All sides seem to agree that the current state of affairs is in need of change. I find some of the complaints justifiable — things are not as they ought to be

What I find curious and difficult to understand 

The suggested or implied remedies — if any are even suggested among the compaints — seem to amount to two basic attitudes:

One:   to insist that the principles and rules governing the current state just should be applied and properly adhered to; (‘Constitution’, ‘tradition’).

The Other:  to return to models, principles and rules (regime designs) that go back in history before the ‘current’ system was fougth for and introduced. As if they did not include the problem features the current system tried to corrrect. But didn’t they actually lead to the current problems?

What I am curious and puzzled about: the missing

Viable but detailed suggestions from the many parties deploring flaws as to ‘what else’ could and  should be thought out, developed, discussed, and even tried out ‘instead’: — even from groups who claim to be ‘humanity’s best means’ for survival or redemption — some of which have been around for ages, and some who claim to have and know how to use the marvelous ‘new tools’ we now have…

What I know:

Not only are there many knowledgeable, well-intentioned, intelligent, creative people in this country but all over the world, who could get together for this task —but also that new and better answers are possible: I know because even I have worked out some tentative answers I’d like to discuss.

But where are they, what am I missing?

Where are the ideas and solutions we could bring together not just to better discuss but also bring to implementation for a better future?


The  missing piece — finally?

(In the Fog Island Tavern)

—  Good morning, Bog-Hubert, thinking deep thoughts already? 

–    Hey Abbe Boulah. ‘Deep’ — Is that what it looks like?  Nah. I just couldn’t get much sleep last night. 

—  So what kept you up? 

–   Well, I was talking to our friend yesterday — the one of the two separate theory obsessions he is trying to stitch together somehow.

— Yes? The Planning Discourse Platform and the Occasion-Image themes? Wasn’t there a third one? 

–   You mean the one of making those weird pictures? It’s not an obsession — he hasn’t been doing much of that recently. He’s been working on the first one for some time now and wants to get back to the second one — as some friends are urging him to, as well. But he feels there’s something missing in the planning discourse story that should be settled first, before he can let go of that. He seems to be getting close, but I didn’t understand what is missing: you know, the connecting piece? Or I just still didn’t understand what the connection would be. 

— Doesn’t it depend on which side we’re looking from?

–   What do you mean?

— Well. Look at it from the platform side: that one is so complex that it could involve anyone of so many different aspects. I’d say it is pretty much worked out as a plan; everything that still needs to be done is just implementation work, with tools and techniques that are already available. But the important missing piece is getting lost in the fog. Now, from the other side, isn’t it  almost obvious? I think he even was onto the answer in the fat book* some time ago, but somehow didn’t follow up on it. 

–   You’ve lost me.That book was perhaps too fat and complex too?

— Well, don’t you remember, the idea of the Design or Planning Tavern?  The insight that if the planning discourse is done only online, on computers or smartphones, any activity involving it is just not a very appealing  o c c a s i o n  –  yet?  That what it it needs is, precisely, an actual, physical  p l a c e  — one that can provide and support not only the functional features for a meaningful experience, but also the features that convey and evoke meaningful  i m a g e  concepts? Involvement with actual people? 

– Oh. Yes, I do remember now. Meaningful occasions, yes.  At the time I thought it was just a sneaky way to promote Vodçek’s tavern ideas. You say that is the critical, missing item?

— Think about it. Lessons from history. If you look at the world’s big ‘cultures’  — the governance systems but especially the religions: They made very clever use of all the tools of that combination: Not only the  messages, the spiritual ‘stories’ but significant ‘places’ — buildings — which support the stories with special built environment features and imagery.  Rituals, special places for the important, basic ‘occasions’ of human life, to start with: Birth and death, marriage, then adding special intermitting events, celebrations connected to the seasons and astrological phenomena, birthdays of key figures like the founderrs of the faith and significant prophets, saints, leaders. Calling the faithful to prayers: church bells, muezzin calls, delivery of sermons intermixed with music in resonance-enhanced and decorated buildings. Confessions, absolution, rituals carried over into everyday activities but aligned to special places for the exhibit of pictures and items, even in the smallest humble residences. 

– Ah. I get it now. Structuring of social ife into overall coherent systems of beliefs and maintenance of society organization?

— Yes. Buildings and rituals and images and stories meaning, all mutually reinforcing connections — the word ‘re-ligio’ — meaning ‘tying together’. 

–   But wasn’t a main purpose of all of that the establishment and maintenance of power? Power, illegitimately intruding in mundane daily governance and self-governance issues, and thus generating feelings of ‘oppression’?

—  You are right, in part. The ‘sin’ of religions was to allow their power to become self-serving, serving its own maintenance and growth. Their hierarchies can be seen as clever acknowledgement and use of people seeking power: each level ‘empowered’ to some actions dominating over others — actions regulating, reducing and limiting the actions of folks  on the levels below, but leaving each empowered to actions on the respectively lower level.

– Clever — except for the problems about the top and bottom of the hierarchical ladders. 

—  Yes, of course. Those open questions leading to the attacks on such hierarchies by folks feeling ‘oppressed’. Arguably, often quite legitimate efforts. But consider this: Many or most such efforts — protests, revolutions, wars — ignored the valuable lessons of the successful but flawed systems they destroyed. To the extent revolutions were achieved with coercion and violence, not persuasion, the new regimes often failed to provide enough convincing stories and opportunities for ‘constructive’ e m p o w e r m e n t, better controls of power (limiting opportunities for power abuse). Because they have to maintain their new power with coercive and ‘destructive’, limiting means. And failing to construct more meaningful and appealing systems and places of occasion opportunities and corresponding imagery. Just providing a workable platform for functional discussion of necessary decisions does not offer enough of that.  It needs to include actual interaction with the human members of society. 

– So what you are saying, then, is:  any efforts to introduce improvements in how society works, must offer more comprehensive, convincing, appealing, inspiring stories?  And the discussion of needed decisions must take place — literally, also, in  p l a c e s, not only in the strange and often not very comfortable ‘space’ of an online platform. Real places that invite, and support constructive empowerment of participants, by their design of  o c c a s i o n  opportunities and of meaningful, beautiful built environment features evoking  inspiring  i m a g e r y?  

— That’s one way of putting it. Besides developing the platform, the question —  the next design task — is: how can the platform be complemented with actual built environment  places for live occasions?  And what should such places look like? The missing connecting piece? 

Notes

*   “RIGATOPIA — The Fog Island Tavern Discussions”

Unwinnable arguments

Terrorists and Power and Slivowitz

  • Heading down to the Tavern, Bog-Hubert?
  • Well yes — though I’m not sure it’s going to be very relaxingthere today, even with a decent glass of something. Why? 
  • Why? I heard there were going to be demonstrations there, both pro and con, about the war in the Mediterranian. Because Vodçek has a bottle of Slivowitz on his shelf…
  • Huh?  What’s that got to do with anything? 
  • Good question. Some people think it’s a Jewish thing, — even if it’s really a Balkan name for the plum brandy of that name — but it’s also produced in Israel with that name. Smart people. But being an alcoholic thing, Muslims object to it — even though ‘alcohol’, as far as I know, is an arab word, though Allah only knows why Muslims today object to consuming such. I remember once I was sitting in a cafe in Paris — how long ago, why am I just remembering that incident?  I was having an espresso, and this friend of mine, a Muslim from Africa, was drinking a beer. All of a sudden, he saw a compatriot Muslim come into the place, and asked me to quickly change the drinks — moved my espresso in front of him, the beer across the little table, so I was looking like I was drinking the infidel beer. It must have been Ramadan or some holy season. — Well, now I hear there are Palestinian supporters who want to shut down Vodçek’s Tavern for that reason, serving Slivowitz. 
  • You’re putting me on!
  • Okay, sorry. Busted. I just want to go there to help Vodcek get rid of that stuff before worse things happen to it.  To keep the peace.
  • Bog-Hubert, my friend, I applaud and praise your peace-keeping intentions. But stop giving me such scares. Would it be OK if I join you in raising a glass or two, with a prayer for your success? 
  • Of course, Abbe Boulah. I was actually counting on it…I’m kind of short of funds…
  • Thank you for your confidence. But hey, let’s get serious here. There are people dying over there — aren’t you ashamed for this facetious way of responding to that catastrophe? Children women, innocent people, entire cities flattened…
  • You are right, of course. But what should a reasonable fellow do about it, over here? Taking sides, getting the government to act accordingly? Which side?
  • You are right, sadly. The argument is unwinnable for both sides: any justification for any actions for either side can be countered by equally valid arguments for the other side. Arguments based on facts, but then just jumping to ought-premises and conclusions that sorely lack logical validity.
  • Now, doesn’t it It all depend on where you but the blinders on your historical fact-perspective, to determine ‘who started it’? Sure: useless. Even worse: Any of the remedies they are arguing about, as far as I can see, are suffering from the same fatal flaw..
  • Oh: What’s that?  One specific flaw, only? 
  • Yes — at least a key one. In my uninspired (so far, by the adequate spirits) opinion…
  • Well, we’re almost there, patience. Meanwhile, enlighten me, please? 
  • The problem is that all the responses people are arguing and protesting about, are involving the use of force, coercion. Or the the threat of violence, again. All equally unacceptable, in principle, to both sides, because they don’t see how the conflict can go away in any version of peace. Quite the contrary: they both end up with the  same inference, that the problem will only go away if one or the other party will disappear. Killed, or at least expelled, in other words. 
  • Well, are they really saying that? At least on the pro-Israel side, there are many who just say that the leaders, the Hamas, have to go. If you know what I mean.’
  • Yes. There have been slips of the tongue though, when people have sloppily or not so sloppily, said that ‘they all… ’ — meaning all the folks in Gaza? — ‘… have to ‘disappear’. Unacceptable and stupid as it is to say that, it is the plausible inference of the escalating logic of the violence-based power needed for all those remedies. 
  • Let me try to understand what you are saying: as a valid pattern applicable to all such conflicts between two ‘communities’ that pursue their respective aims. If those aims are pursued using  physical force (or threats of such) each application act of such force will be countered by efforts to apply equal or stronger force to ‘deter’ or make it impossible for the other side from doing that?
  • Yes. And if one side gets the idea that it commands the greater force, the more power, then it will be tempted, if not compelled, to actually use that force? 
  • Or just threatening that, anyway.  So what’s wrong with that? 
  • Well the other side may not be willing to acknowledge that. Denial. Or thinking there may be a big brother out there… 
  • Who are you talking about: a bigger, stronger entity, to keep the balance and the peace?  The UN?
  • Well the UN doesn’t seem willing to do anything, for reasons that bear looking into: haven’t there been hundreds of UN resolutions to tell Israel to behave differently? Let’s not get into all the details. All ignored, nothing done.  But there are other Arab, other Muslim states; bigger brothers all, that the Palestinians may count on… 
  • Youn mean all the Palestinians, or just the terrorists?
  • Terrorists? what’s a terrorist, really?
  • Well. I guess you could say: a terrorist anybody, any entity that uses violence or threats of violence to get its ways, Creating fear, terror, in the public.
  • Careful, now, my friend. That’s an easy label to put on either side — based just on what they are bragging about, both sides in that particular conflict, anyway. So using that label as justification for any acts to counter terrorism with violent force will brand both sides with the sticker, won’t it? 
  • Well, would you say that a terrorist is any person, (or group)  that isn’t part of an acknowledged regular government ‘military’ force, that uses violent, military-like means to pursue its aims…?
  • Sorry: stuck in the quicksand again. If you are denying a whole group of people you don’t like or are stepping on your toes, or who don’t like what you are doing to them, the formation of a regular, globally acknowledged government state status, any members of that group that are attempting to safeguard its interests, are now ‘terrorists’? Especially, if that other entity is not a real ‘state’ and therefore illegitimate, by some plausible definition, its fighters are inevitably terrorists? 
  • Huh. Well, I guess you are right. I never saw a good reason for opposing the two-state ‘solution’, as if that would even begin to solve the  problem.  So again: looks like those arguments are unwinnable, and therefore unacceptable, to both sides. But are they equally unacceptable for any third party, asked to take sides? 
  • Yes and the problem is made even worse by the role of power in the process. 
  • I was waiting for that: you’ve been harping on that already. But can you remind me of your reasoning again?
  • Ok: I actually owe it to something you taught me earlier: There are several motivations for using violent power: the need for pursuing the empowerment for realization of ‘basic needs’ and rights; that we might call somewhat ‘legitimate’ and therefore acceptable reasons. So when threatened, these aims are used to justify the use of violent, ‘destructive’ means.  Now there also are people who get ‘empowerment’ experiences  from those kinds of acts: ‘adrenaline rushes’;  even for encouraging other in the own realm to  such acts — a kind of vicarious enjoyment of destructive power. 
  • I know. There are people who actually like killing and hurting others. 
  • Right. And that kind of power motivation is, to make matters worse, addictive: the more you have, the more you need. To keep getting the kicks, and to protect you from losing it to other power-hungry patriots. Makes people crazy. 
  • So:  When two ‘powers’ get into that kind of mutually escalating cycle, is there there is a ’final solution’  other that the total victory of one over the other; annihilation or demoralization? And is that  the best any tribe calling itself human, even ‘sapiens’ can come up with? 
  • Well, you are right, it doesn’t look good for this so-called humanity. Even though there were third ways, even in antiquity,  to get around it, though they weren’t taken seriously enough…
  • Well, chrunch my purple chakra: What in three twisters name are you talking about?  
  • Think about it, Bog-Hubert:  It was called ‘divine judgment’.  If you believe in such a divine power and its benevolent judgment, the prayers for victory that opposing armies used to invoke  to grant them sucdess in the bloody business they were getting ready for would be useless for one army if the deity —all-knowing and allmighty — already knew to which side it would grant victory. So wouldn’t there be a simpler, less painful and destructive (for the innocent populations that would suffer from the mayhem as well as pay for it) to find that out? If accompanied by adequate rituals and prayers and sacrifices; simply tossing a coin wouldn’t be sufficiently dignified — innocent lambs were the preferred proverbial victims? The famous examples of antiquity — can you spell Achilles and Hector? — provided more spectacle for vicarious enjoyment of pain and bloodshed.  But did the people learn the lesson? No: more mayhem and killing and burning of glorious cities was needed. 
  • Never thought of it that way. Well; if all the generals and systems thinkers can’t come up with anything… do you have a better idea? 
  • Let’s see if there’s any Slivowitz left at the Fog Island Tavern… Maybe something will occur to us? 

Thoughts On Agreements and Sanctions 

To ensure adherence to agreements for the public planning discourse platform

This is an exploration of a ‘platform management issue’: the question of needed participation agreements on a public planning discourse support platform. The idea of preventive sanctions automatically triggered by the very attempt of non-adherence via a merit point ‘currency’. Authority vs community control,  

Concern

Like all social internet platforms, a ‘global’ public planning discourse support platform, as well as its experimental ‘pilot’ version, will encounter management issues regarding inappropriate, or distasteful or disruptive participant actions: ‘trolling’, ’hacking’, or just filling the threads with useless, meaningless and annoying blather. Most of the available forms of control or containment of such behavior for platform ‘administrators’ or ‘moderators’ can also become the reason for criticism: perceived ‘partisan’, biased’, or oppressive abuse of their ‘power’. 

This issue is a miniature version of general governance problems in any community: of ensuring that agreements, laws, and rules aimed at guaranteeing a peaceful functioning  of that society are actually adhered to. The terms describing the manner in which this is usually done — ‘enforcement’ — indicate the sources of conflicts and problems: governance  entities endowed empowered to use coercion and force to prevent and punish violations of the rules.

This element of power is problematic within ‘community’ or governance domains, because there will always be parties feeling that rules are ‘unfair’ or arbitrary and will try to resist them: at the extreme with violent force against enforcement agents. The battle against crime inevitably leads to escalation of the enforcement and opposition tools. 

The same syndrome becomes even more critical when played out in ‘global’, international relations and conflicts. If conflicts arising from perceived unjust and unfair violations of agreed-upon treaties or assumed rules of proper interactions have to be ‘resolved’ by the threat or application of violent force, the call for some ‘global’ enforcement entity will arise — a ’world govenment’ — an entity with unquestionably superior force. We see several nations now competing for becoming this superior ruler or ‘world policeman’. The specter of such an  entity is as abhorrent to many as the prospect of the battle for dominance  even between current contenders: with the ‘enforcement’ and opposition weaponry, a war to resolve that contest is predicted to be too destructive for humanity as a whole to survive. 

History also teaches that the supreme power of such an entity will become an irresistible temptation to abuse that power — to itself violate the rules and agreements it is supposed to ensure. Power is addictive and tends to destroy the mental sanity of rulers. This means that the search for different means of guaranteeing that rules and agreements will be adhered to should be an urgent priority for humanity. 

The very nature and aim of a ‘discourse’ about conflicts and plans is antithetical to the use of coercion and force. It is the very manifestation of hope and conviction that resolution of differences of opinion and interest, as well as development of plans to deal with natural disasters, can be achieved with tools of mutual explanation, argument, negotiation: discourse. To the extent agreements on rules will be needed for peaceful and constructive planning discourse, the discussion agenda for design of its platform and process must address the issue of alternatives to ‘enforcement’ of adherence to its own agreements.

Examples of non-coercive tools for this purpose already exist, even current technologies potentially facilitating different approaches. Also, elements of the proposed platform — such as the idea of measurements of discourse contribution merit — could be adapted to becoming tools for dealing with this problem of violations of agreements. They aim less at finding penalizing ‘sanctions’ than at provisions to prevent them, triggered by the very attempt (intentional or inadvertent) to commit a violation. 

These considerations suggest some more thorough examination both of the kinds of agreements a constructive planning discourse platform would need, and an attempt to provide innovative tools for ensuring their adherence, for discussion and encouragement for developing more and better ideas. 

Needed agreements :

‘Rules’ for a constructive planning discourse.

The planning discourse platform will need tools to contain the same kinds of disruptive behavior that plagues current social  media, such as: 

 – ‘Off-topic’ contributions;

–  Insulting, disrespectful comments and  language;

–  ‘Ad hominem’ attacks as means of evading the topic;

–  Intentionally untrue or incomplete, selective information;

–  Reckless repetition of unsupported ‘rumors’ . 

Added suggestions imight nclude the habit of posting links to other sources without explaining the point the cited work is supported to support, or mere advertising items, 

To the extent the platform aims at developing decisions or recommendations, the community may decide to use some standardized formats or templates of comments  aiming at facilitating overview and aggregation of judgments into measures of overall merit of plan proposals, it may become necessary to find means of ensuring adherence to those agreements.  

Potential ‘platform management’ tools: 

Withdrawal of contribution or judgment rights.

It is a common practice on social media to attempt to prevent abuse by restricting ‘membership’, e.g.: Prospective participants selectively invited by people who are  already members, or have to ‘apply’ for admittance to a group. The  application is reviewed and decided upon by ‘administrators’ or group ‘owners’, perhaps with other members’ input or veto  power. This requires agreement about the criteria  to be used, which can become controversial. 

The approach is incompatible with the requirement of wide public participation.  Obviously, criteria used for public platforms should not be ‘discriminating’ against community members on the basis of gender, race, religion etc., but age, citizenship or residence in a governance domain are often considered. This becomes difficult precisely for the kinds of projects for which this new platform is needed: problems that affect people in different countries or regions. ‘Affectedness’  by a problem or plan can be difficult to judge, as can be the question of whether a participant is sufficiently well informed to weigh in on a complicated matter (expressed clumsily  e.g. in age limits). The common practice of defining ‘affected’ or ‘entitled groups with the tool of ‘licenses’ issue upon proof of knowledge of s discipline and its rules may have to be discussed, for specific types of projects.   

The criteria applied to accepted members relate more easily to the member’s explicit or implied agreement to comply with the current group ‘rules’. Consequences for violation of those rules can then be specified, and in the extreme, result in revoking the perpetrator’s membership and  participation rights.

Penalties in the form of ‘fines’ — in monetary or other ‘currencies’: Possible tools 

A tentative list of considerations include the following: 

A plausible form of responding to disruptive behavior would be  withdrawal or reduction of earned ‘merit’ points. Imposition of renewal or re-affirmation ‘voting rights’ evidence used for gaining the right of participation or entering decision judgments. Loss of ‘weight’ of decision-determining judgments;  Prevention of acceptance of entries that don’t match agreed-upon specifications (templates) or added evidence support.

This discussion can merely point out the necessity of reaching agreements  on these issues, and will focus only on the potential use of two of these options, as examples: the use of merit points, and the use of templates for selected entry items.

Merit points

One possibility is the use of merit points in contribuors’ accounts  as a currency for levying ‘penalties’ for any violation of the agreed-upon rules. In the eventual ‘real’  platform, this could probably be done by AI programs checking ‘verbatim’ entries and charging a ‘fee’ for any entry that needs to be ‘cleaned up’. In any ‘pilot’ version, it wold have to be done by administrators  or other participants, which would probably be too cumbersome. 

Templates

Another potential tool is that of the use of ‘templates’ in the phases of systematic analysis and evaluation of discourse contributions — such as the pro and con arguments about proposed plans. To be inserted into a spreadsheet for entry of merit judgments — plausibility and relative weight of importance,—  and calculation of overall results, they must be restated from any conversational version in the initial  ‘unstructured’ discussion into one of the provided argument templates. 

This would  become the condition for assigning merit points to those contributions. The templates will ‘automatically’ eliminate any ‘unacceptable’ additions — characterizations, ad hominem attacks etc. — from the arguments, and focus on their substantial content.  Also, the evaluation of premises (by other participants) on,  say, a +1 to -1 scale,  will result in positive merit point earned by the respecive author — but negative points for flawed, false and unsubstantiated claims.

Outlook 

The admittedly optimistic and arguable expectation is that these provisions can act to discourage flawed and disruptive information in the first place. The disadvantage is that these ‘corrections’ would be delayed until a ’special technique’ is used; by then, disruptive contributions could already have caused significant damage to a smooth process. 

These possibilities are offered as evidence that new ideas of means for dealing with the administrative challenges are possible, for discussion of details, and as  encouragement for developing other, more effective tools of non-coercive, nonviolent means for ensuring adherence to agreements— both at this diminutive level and at the level of important ‘global’ issues. 

Comments?  Wrong question?  

Unstructured versus Structured Discussion?

On the question of formalization and structure in the Planning Discourse

Concern   

The proposals for a ‘global’ Public Planning Discourse Support Platform contain suggestions for using standardized ’templates’ for parts of the discourse: a more ‘structured’ or formalized form of discussion than the familiar ‘unstructured’, unconstrained format  we see in the usual forms of public debate.This raises several issues calling for discussion: First, the reasons leading to such suggestions should be clarified. Secondly, likely objections must be considered, such as the possibility that such templates might discourage participation in the discourse or might distort it in some way. The third question is of course:  if such templates are to be used, what should they look like? what format should be considered? And finally: How should they be introduced, included and used in the process? 

Reasons for formalization

The reasons for suggesting such structuring or ‘editing’ of the free expressions of discussion contributions are based on concerns about displaying the core of contribution content in a concise, condensed form for overview and evaluation: overview, elimination of repetitive and redundant items, (focusing on the issue to be decided upon), clarity in separating primary arguments from lenghty  and circuitous elaboration of ’supporting’ evidence and spurious anecdotal material, unnecessary and ‘unacceptable’ rhetorical rendering and bombast etc. 

Special concerns related to systematic evaluation are: explicit ‘filling in’ assumptions and argument premises that are left out as ’taken for granted’ in rhetorical passages, but that must be stated for comprehensive evaluation of the merit of arguments:  the assessment of contributions being a main aspect of the project aim of reaching decisions better and transparently based on the merit of the discourse contribution content, as opposed to traditions forms of decision-making that can disregard that content, such as voting.  

Objections

The objections to such formalization must be taken seriously: wide public participation needed for critical policy-making is needed, and provisions constraining  the form of discussion entries (other than obvious rules such as using the common language of the community having the discussion) can be perceived as obstacles (intentional or unintentional) to participation.

Other objections relate to the choice of forms or templates. There is disagreement even in the academic disciplines about how to state’ and diagram’ arguments — there are parties insisting on rendering arguments containing deontic premises in the deductive ‘modus ponens’ form rather than in the format of the ‘planning arguments’ ackowledged as ‘informal’ and non-deductive. 

Choice of template form

The suggestions to use some standardized templates of discussion entires started with the examination of the typical arguments of the ‘pro and con’ kind, about proposed design or planning discussions. The recognition of typical conversational pattern of arguments about a proposed plan or solution «Plan A» and its expected benefits or consequences ,led to the choice of the ’standard planning argument’ template  

    «Plan A ought to be adopted ‘(Conclusion’)

    because

    Pan A will result in outcome B, (given conditions C) ‘Factual-instrumental                        

    and Premise’)

   Outcome B ought to be pursued (Deontic premise)

   and 

   Conditions C will be given (Factual Premise)

Or:   A  << ((A > B | C) & B  & C

(The signs <<, >,  & , | stand for ‘because’, ‘result in’, ‘and’, ‘given’, respectively.)

The pattern will have  a number of variations, depending which of the statements happen to be negated: for example: 

A  << ((A > ~B | C) &~B  & C

~A << ( ~(A > B | C) & B  & C

~A  << ((A > ~B | C) & B  & C

~A  << ((A > B | C) &~ B  & C

~A  << ((A > B | C) & B  & ~C     etc.

(Just making these statements explicit helps identifying the reason for a person’s acceptance or rejection of the argument —it could be because the person does not believe A wil produce B, or whether they consider B to be desirable, or whether they are not sure whether the conditions for the plan to work will actually be given.  — the simple  yes or no vote does not make this clear).

 This pattern, with the ‘conclusion’ stated first, in distinction from the standard  sequence in the logic textbooks also signals its lack of claim of ‘deductive’ conclusiveness and logical rigor, that some lay people might find uncomfortably compelling, attempting to override any doubts they may have about its premises. 

Of course, pro and con arguments are only one form of typical contributions in the planning discourse. They are ‘answers’ to a number of typical questions. In this case: «Should plan A be adopted?»   Other questions are thsoe providing answers that will be premises in the arguments:  «Should effect (goal, requiremnt, aim) B be pursued?» Will A produce effect / conseuence B?»  or «What are the conditions for Plan A to work? And «Are those conditions C present n this situation?» 

There are similar families of standard questions and answer claims related to the ‘problem’ statement and the understanding of its causes,necessary conditions and contributing factors. 

The procedural treatment of ‘structured’ versus unstructured discourse.

This is not the place to provide a comprehensive catalogue of all such discourse contribution patterns. Even the question whether  to use such tools in a specific project, of for a specific issue within a project, must remain the decision of the participants in that project discussion. So the role of structured versus unstructured discourse  in the overall process remains to be further explored:  for now, some first suggestions can be sketched.  

As a general principle, the initial entries and exchanges in a planning discussion must be ‘unstructured’. While many problem-solving and planning approaches recommend some specific sequences to be followed: For example:  Starting with a ‘clear problem statement’, gathering information and ‘data’, developing goals and priorities, developing solutions, evaluating those, and ending up with a decision. 

In reality, such discussions are triggered  by any of those ‘steps’. That first ‘entry’ item will rarely be a fully worked out solution, (though the current ‘political practice’ is often that some governance agency will produce such a plan before it is put up for discussion  in a parliamentary body). If the possibility or expectation is that the discussion might change such a plan, its introduction wll be in an unstructured format, and the first discussion therefore will have to be unstructured. It is possible that even such an unstructured discussion will give the participants sufficient confidence to make a decision, and that possibility must be provided for.  This can be done by means of a ‘motion’ for a «NEXT STEP?» to be decided on, for example by a ‘vote’ with a sufficiently close to consensus outcome. Agreed upon as part of  general  procedural agreements).

The concern here, however, is about important decisions that should be based on the merit of the contributions to a more thorough and systematic discourse, and how this can be orchestrated and made transparent. The recommendation for a project to do this is the following pattern of increasingly specific treatment of ‘issues’ (or topics).

The initial unstructured discussion will be the basis for participants to raise specific ‘candidates’ for more in-depth treatment. These will be posted on a bulletin board for participants to express judgments as to whether they should be put on the ‘Agenda’ for such detailed treatment. The assumption here being that large projects will be asynchronous, ‘online’. They can therefore be worked on ‘in parallel’ but on separate ‘threads’ for each topic. 

The discussion of each topic will again begin with an ‘unstructured’ discussion, resulting in the identification of more specific issues, that can be discussed ‘in parrallel’. For each topic, when participants feel that they can make a decision, (e.g. after some discussion) by making a ‘NEXT STEP’ motion: 

– to proceed to a decision;

– to drop the issue without decision; 

– to request or pursue more information;

– to ’table the discussion until another issue has been settled;

– to engage one of the ’special techniques’ (available in a ‘tool kit’).

   The results of the special technique — e.g. evaluation process that can’t be done on the  ordinary discussion format — will be reported back for a ‘Next Step’ decision in light of its results. 

In theory, this process can be repeated for smaller and smaller details, each small recommendation added to the Plan proposal until the entire community feels ready to make an overall decision. 

Tentative Recommendation

The recommendation given these ‘best current considerations’,  pending more comments, is to adopt the ‘fractal’ and ‘parallel processing’ pattern of alternating unstructured and structured discourse that will alleviate concerns about participation but facilitate more formal process as needed in each particular project, as decided by the community of participants. In the meantime, continue work on the structure patterns and potential ‘templates’ of other segments of the planning process. 

Comments?

Wrong question? 

About the Role of AI  in the Planning Discourse?

Thorbjørn Mann

Concern 

The rapidly increasing use of ‘AI’  — ‘Artificial’ or  ‘Augmented’ Intelligence — tools for many different kinds of tasks that require what resembles resembles human reasoning —  raise the question of how such programs should be dealt with in the Planning Discourse.  There is little argument that there are many information-gathering and data analysis functions at which AI programs are impressively faster and more efficient than humans.  There is also justifiable uneasiness about how the results produced should influence the decision process. ‘

At the extreme ends of sentiment, potentially flawed and dangerous reactions emerge: Blind faith and and acceptance of AI-based solutions at one end: The tendency to invoke ‘data’, ‘facts’ and science, that preceded AI, as the sole justifiable basis of public policy is strengthened by it. On the other end, the very effectiveness of these tools raise concerns that significant planning decisions determined solely by algorithms will excluding legitimate considerations by humans, and can lead to blind and violent rejection;  the very concept of an organized large scale discourse support platform can be seen as a ‘Big Brother’ power instrument that must be resisted. 

So the question of how these concerns should influence policy in general and the design of the platform in particular deserves attention and discussion. 

Discussion:

The question can be approached from several plausible directions, not all of which can be explored here.  One significant perspective is that of making the basis of ‘judgment’  of AI algorithms sufficienlty transparent to the public  to alleviate the ‘Big Brother’ concern. This will require work both on the AI development side and, significantly, on the side of education of the public, to be able to understand and critically evaluate and judge the explanations. The importance of this task cannot be overstated: mere ‘trust me’  assurances on the part of officials, purveyors of the AI programs, even of ‘independent’  review committees installed to produce the assurances will not be enough: How ‘independent’ can review committees be if installed by the authorities, AI providers and their lobbyists?  

Another approach to explore this question, is the following: to look for provisions in the platform that separate  ‘reasoning’, data analysis, performance calulations, simlulations,  etc. that best can be done by AI tools, from ‘reasoning’ involving evaluation judgments that should be contributed by humans, as clearly as possible. (Of course the transparency reviews of the AI tools should be part of these provisions as well.)

Whether such a ‘clear separation’ of reasoning, or even a reasonable approximation for practical purposes is possible, is of course up for discussion. In other words: Are there meaningful distinctions between questions that can or should be ‘answered’ by humans exclusively, and those where AI produced results should be given equal or even exclusive consideration? 

Some optimism about this issue is based on the structure of what I have called the typical ‘planning argument’. Turning the standard logic sequence of ‘premies, premise, therefore conclusion’ around to the more colloquial ‘proposal, because premise, premise, premise’ or: («Proposal A should be adopted because  A will result in B (given conditions C) and B ought to be pursued, and conditions C are/will be given.»)  The pattern contains two premises that can be taken to plausibly rely on AI analysis: the factual-instrumental premise ‘A will preduce B, given C’  and the factual premise ‘Conditions C are/will be given’.  But the premise ‘B ought to be’ as well as the conclusion ’A ought to be adopted’ itself are ‘deontic’ or ought-claims. Is it meaningful to accept a procedural rule of assigning the ‘right’ to judge or calculate the plausibility of premises only to the former (‘factual’) premises and the right to judge (or assign ‘weights of importance’) to the deontic claims only to humans?  Or to accept the rule that AI data and plausibility calculations of fact-premises should be given ‘due consideration’ by humans, but that the aggregation of judgments of both kinds to indications of overall support for the proposal A should include  human judgments only:  the decision should be based on human judgments  only? 

A few kinds of procedural provisions both for the assessment judgment of premises to form plauibility and weight judgents for individual arguments, and the aggregations of the resulting argument weights into plausibiity measures of the proposal have been sketched for discusiion. The provisions could be seen as part of the needed effort to make the reasoning ‘transparent’. It should be noted that all such results will be judgments by individuals, and thus legitimately different, not any abstract universal or even common ‘group’ judgment. Any AI results claiming to have been based on ‘due consideration of all pertinent concerns, pros and cons’  would have to show that it has been given all the judgments of humans affected by the problem a plan aims to solve, and by all proposed ’solutions’. This aspect alone seems to be a strong argument in favor of separating AI-produced judgments about plans from the judgments of humans. And that the way the planning discourse will deal with this issue urgently needs more thorough discussion. 

Comments?

Wrong question?  If so:  what is the better, real question or problem? 

*  AI is ‘Inevitable’: To the extent results to questions produced by AI programs already already are virtually indistinguishable from comments produced by humans, to the same questions, isn’t it futile to even consider the question whether such contributions to the discourse should be admissible or not?  There will be human participants who will insist on using the tools to produce their own entries. And if such entries are indeed difficult or impossible to distinguish from genuinely human entries, any effort to prohibit them may lead to rejection of actual human comments. So better question: AI based entries will be part of the discourse — but shouldn’t the way entries will influence  the decision be based on the merit of entries, regardless of whether they have been constructed by huans or AI algorithms? 

Comments?

‘Counterframing’?

Throbjørn Mann

The Framing Problem in the Planning Discourse  

In an ongoing process of designing the outline if a (potentially) global Public Planning Discourse Support Platform, a recurring issue is delaying the very attempt to open up a ‘pilot’ version on social media to discuss the concept and its development: the question of ‘framing’ the discourse.

The concept of ‘framing’ refers to the fact that there are always several different ‘ways of talking’  (also called ‘perspectives’ or ‘paradigms’)  about a problem or emergency or vision that some feel should become a community planning project. Further, is was seen that the first such ‘way of talking’  introduced into the discussion — even the way the project is ‘raised’ for discussion, often tends to dominate the ensuing discourse. And to the extent the concern for the project is ‘controversial’ or involves a conflict of interests, it thereby can become part of a ‘power’ tool in the search for solutions: it will favor a particular, — partisan — set of potential solutions. And this may result in solutions that are inequtable, unjust, oppressive to other parts of the affected constituencies.  

The implication for the design of a ‘democratic’ planning platform therefore becomes a  requirement to keep the platform design itself as ‘perspective-neutral’ as possible, lest it be perceived as a power tool of the part of the community that will benefit from solutions gained from the particular perspective, and therefore not trusted by other segments  of the community. 

Though the pursuit of perspecitve neutrality must be taken seriously, It is probably impossible to design a totally ‘perspectve-neutral’ platform.  But even if this could be done: would not then the very first effort by any party to start a discussion about a planning problem or project be the ‘framing’ entry the principle says we should avoid? 

So it looks like framing will be inevitable. The progress of designing an outline for even a pilot version of a planning platform has become stuck in this dilemma, to the point of not even being able to reach agreement on the basic articulation of purpose, focus, and aim of the project, for fear of committing the sin of framing.  

Now, would it not be more useful to look for platform provisions that would neutralize the effects of such first framing incidents, rather than to insist on avoiding them? Are there ways of acknowledging this, and including provisions in the platform design, for defusing any potentially controversial or destructive effects?

A first option would be to simply always point out the framing essence of discourse contributions — with ubiquitous reminders like Rittel’s suggestion to end each entry in an ‘IBIS’ (Issue Based Information System’) with a «Wrong question?» or «Wrong Problem?» line. It may have to be more specific, like «Wrong Way of Talking?» 

Another, more detailed possibility, following C. West Churchman’s recommendation of ‘testing’ a systems narrative with a ‘counterplanning’ effort, would be to adopt a rule of requiring that any entry of a substantial effort or proposal in the discourse must be accompanied by an equally plausible but substantially different ‘counterframing’ comment to be accepted as a topic for more in-depth and systematic discussion? 

The ‘democratic’ principles of planning and policy-making, that ‘decisions should be based on ‘due consideration of all concerns of all segments of a community; on ‘careful weighing of all pros and cons’ would seem to require that all ‘perspectives’ held by all parties in a community should be expressed, articulated and discussed. What provisions for the planing discourse wold be needed to ensure this? 

Is it a system? 

A question posted (on the LI  systems thinking network) asked whether anybody had seen a documented Causal Loop Diagram of ‘virtuous loops’ systems in systems. Did it imply that there arent any? I suggested that the provision of merit point rewards for participation in public planning discourse,and the subsequent use of those points to make public officials ‘pay’ for power decisions that have not been publicly discussed, contained at least one such virtuous loop. Because I hadn’t also provided a CLD in the standard format, this was roundly rejected. It is not clear to me  whether this was because of the lack of a CLD, or whether the entire discourse process envisioned (but not described in complete detail) does not qualify as a system, in the author’s opinion. Other comments seemed to support this interpretation. For me, this raised some questions about the concept of ‘system’, its definition link or restriction to Causal loop phenomena, and their usefulness for the design of such projects as the discourse support platform.

The proposed ‘Public Planning Discourse Support Playtform’  I sometimes called a ‘system’ can be seen and described in several different ways.

To see what physical framework items  for a discourse are involved , it may be useful to first look at a discourse taking place in a real physical space with human participants communicating vocally about a problem or idea calling for a plan to implement it. 

The human participants, assembled in response to a call for discussion of a problem or idea or plan. proposed a plan whose realization wil require approval and resources by the community: This may be spoken or shouted out or displayed as a (deontic) question: 

“Should (‘ought’)  Plan A be adopted for implementation?”  

If the proponent is not an official (leader, designated or usurped ‘dictator’, simply announcing their intent to compel the community to adopt the plan, their aim is to obtain a (set of) acceptance message(s)— a ‘decision’ from the community signaling that “Yes, Plan A ought to be adopted.”  One or more reasons may suggest that this should first be discussed; that ‘pros and cons’ should be considered. The set of activities, and rules guiding their sequence to result in a final decision is a process. According to some understanding of ‘system’ — a set of ‘items’ with relationships between them — is it also a system?  

There are several definitions of ‘system’ in the systems domain, such as the ‘stock and flow’ concept, or the view that a system is a set of (preferably measurable) variables related by cause-effect relationships;  described by ‘causal loop diagrams’ — implying a condition I have read that such a thing must have ‘loops’ in order to quality as a system;  or more elaborate views such as that ‘“system paths are characterized with nodes that represent unique centers of inter unitary relationships conveying enabling communication for both internal systems and the whole system of systems”. 

There are aspects of the platform project that can meet several such definitions, by focuisng on different aspects. For example, the physical ‘containers’ and displays needed to proccess the flow of messages, and their connections, that may be primitive to the point of dismissal in town hall meetings, but becoming a distinct design problem as soon as the process is taken ‘online’. The professionals involved in its construction and operation will call this a ‘system’. 

A different view may focus on the content of the messages exchanged. In addition to the different types of claims about the merit of the proposed plan, the participants will harbor and express judgments about its  desirability or plausibility. The judgments can be expressed as characterizations such as ‘nonsense’ or ‘brilliant’ or ‘gee, I don’t know’, (which are not very helpful in assessing a collective ‘judgment’),  or on a better defined scale. For example, one with the values ‘yes, don’t know, no’, or a more detailed one such as numbers ranging from +1 (meaning definitely yes), totally plausible) via 0 (don’t know, can’t decide) to -1 (definitely not, totally implausible) with degrees of plausibility in-between.  The messages exchanged between participants (pros and cons, for example) serve to decrease or increase the individual overall plan plausibility judgments. The pros and cons can be further ‘explained’  (justified or supported) by further arguments in favor of the premises of the pros and cons, and on their  plausibility. From such individual judgments, some form of  statistical aggregation into a ‘community decision judgment’ on the same scale can be formed to guide the decision. 

This, like the physical components ‘system’,  sounds more like a ‘stock and flow’ kind of process, but I’m not sure whether there are loops in those flows to make it a proper system, and whether this is a key concern to worry about. Possibly if the process provides the option of modifications of the originally proposed plan in response to arguments: Certain changes will result in increase in judgments about some aspects while reducing others. The process will then become more complicated (and may often appear to some as too complex and even chaotic, even returning to ‘physical’ in a different sense). 

Curiously, the scant efforts to improve this phenomenon seems to appear too complex for many who prefer to rely on simple ‘yes/no’ majority voting regardless of the problems and ‘chaotification’ associated with this crude method (voting rights, the various forms of ‘rigging the system’ (if it indeed Is one); the complex process of drawing complex shapes of voting districts known as ‘gerrymandering’, and its blatant disregard for the solemnly invoked principle of ‘due consideration of all pros and cons’ about public plans: the wholesale dismissal of the concerns of the voting minority. 

’Reaching across the aisle’ to the miscreants and sinners?:  Treason. 

Whether this represents just the inevitable minor aberrations of the supreme governance model of ‘democracy’ or forboding its demise may be worth a separate discussion.

The upshot of these musings? The issue of whether or not, or on what conditions, the project can be called a ‘system’ is, in my modified judgment, not very helpful, in spite of the initially inspiring notion of guiding its design by providing it with ‘virtual’ loops towards better planning decisions.  It also seems to indicate that single forms of ‘systems’ models — cause-effect, stock and flows, only apply well to selected aspects of the overall project. Is it then composed of several  such systems, or asre the systems models just inadequate tools for the description of the whole thing? Again: is that issue helpful or a distraction to its design? 

It seems that i must regretfully leave the systems community to ponder its own process of evolving into a collection of systems silos with its arrays of admission criteria, and abstain from using the term ‘system’ altogether. So what should I call it? 

Pranks and unexpected consequences

Picking up a cup of coffee at the counter in the coffee shop, the old man went out on the deck under the large oak tree, briefly enjoying the view – the park, the walkway along the shore of the little lake. Habit, for many years now. Looking for an empty seat at a small table, — not the large round one where there used to be conversation between the regular customers. There was no such conversation anymore. The old friends and acquaintances  had disappeared. Some had died, others had given up on conversation for the same reasons he did not even expect it now:  his failing hearing that even hearing aids could not assist: they only delivered more noise but no understanding. Most of the tables were occupied by studious-looking people — all younger — laptops or cellphones  diverting their attention even from the arrival of new customers.  But his habit kept him coming back He picked a seat  with some sun, — it was still early spring, with a chill breeze — and a view of the lake. His little notebook and the four-color pen at the ready for any insights that might occur to him, about various ideas and projects he was still ‘working’ on, that might perhaps, one day, turn into a book. 

No new ideas came to him today. Instead, curious memories of events he had thought were long forgotten. One, in particular, kept him reflecting about how the most innocent little incidents, — pranks, jokes,– sometimes had unexpected larger consequences. Interfering  in others’ plans and strategies in ways that even the most thorough efforts at anticipating forces that might help or interfere would not have been able to conceive or foresee. 

One such incident involved a prank from his school days — a secondary education institution in a mid-size town. Its principal had the curious habit of sending out brief memoranda with announcements or new rules he kept inventing or reminding his students and faculty about. Such as invoking, at the first snowfall, the stern prohibition of snowball fights in the courtyard.  

These memoranda were always typed (this was long before computers or even electric typewriters) on a single sheet of cheap newsprint paper. On the bottom,  there was a stamp — like the old office rubber stamps that showed the sender’s address or  read ‘copy’  or ‘file’ — that listed all the classes by level and number, and a space for the instructor’s initials to sign off after they had been read out in the respective class. This stamp was unusual in that it had a wonderful violet hue ranging unevenly from blue to red — evidently, because the secretaries having typed the messages randomly used a blue or red stamp pad, whichever happened to be closer at hand. The ritual was for the first teacher to come by the secretary’s desk  on his way to his next class, to pick up the memo, read it to the students, and then send a student to take it to the next class, and so forth, until every class had been duly notified.

It so happened that one such memo had been left in the class of the old reveler in ancient memories, The last one that day, of no further use. One student was intrigued by the graphical uniqueness of the stamp, and had an idea of an unusual prank:  what if such memo could be constructed on a similar-looking paper, with some ridiculous but sufficiently plausible new rules to fool at least some instructors into reading it in their classes, and perhaps cause some confusion? The very uniqueness of the memo, the stamp, the paper, the old typewriter font, made it a challenge. But it also ensured, if successfully forged, would make any strange message seem quite in line with the principal’s unusual communication habit, that seemed to serve some need to remind everybody of his position of power. 

The challenge led to a conspiracy by a small group of students, that turned out surprisingly successful. A matching sheet of typewriter paper, slightly yellowed like the original, was found; as well as a parent who owned an old typewriter with the same font. The two or three conspirators had a lot of fun concocting plausible-sounding messages, and settled on three or four.  He only remembered two: One referred to the usual chaos of the area where students using bicycles were allowed to store them.  The message declared that only students who could prove that they lived a certain distance from the school would receive a permit card to store their conveyance in that place in an orderly fashion on penalty of losing the permit. They would be able to pick up such cards in the chart storage room where the rolled up maps of the Roam Empire, the pictures of mammals, fishes, birds and of course the map of the country as well as that of city were stored.  A geography teacher or a janitor would be there, to check the distance on the city map before issuing the permit.  

Another new rule involved the grand central staircase of the school’s four-story building. It was an elaborate affair, with a first broad run going from the main corridor up to a  landing, from which there were two further runs,  one to the right, one to the left — returning to the central hallway at the next level. At the bell ringing for breaks, this stair was often the venue of confusion and even collisions between students running up or down in different directions. So the memo declared succinctly that from now on, there would be a strict right-hand traffic:  going up on the right side of the main central run, and using the right-hand upper run; and going down on the opposite run and then the ‘left’ side (seen from below).  The old man could not remember the third and fourth message, to his consternation —though he had actually been one of their collaborative authors,  but he satisfied himself thateven remembering the two was a good sign, considering his advanced age. 

The forgery of the stamp, he did remember well, however, was the masterpiece of the plot. Evidently, no stamp with the classroom pattern was available, nor could two adequately faded red and blue  stamp pads be found. It was achieved with a fine-point calligraphy pen dipped in watercolor of the varying blue-to-red colors, letter by letter,  and took some time and patience on the part of a student who had good grades in art class.  He wistfully regretted that no grade would be given for this homework. The result was indistinguishable from the original, at the expected cursory sight by the teachers. A sloppy pair of initials  resembling a hastily written ’47’ more than a faculty signature (to protect any of the faculty from suspicion of being the author) was scrawled on one of the class check-off spaces, indicating that it had already been read there.

It remained to get the memorandum into proper circulation. None of the conspirators were seated close to the door, but fortunately, a new student who had rcently been transferred from another school had been assigned to that (otherwise undesirable) seat. Being new and needing to gain respect and acceptance in this new tribe, he could be persuaded into taking the memo, and at the call from one or two of the conspirators that ‘someone knocked on the door’ would jump up to open the door, and then hand the memo to the teacher. Accompanied by some other random noise, the call came as soon at the teacher had ventured far enough from the door, the hand-over was performed without raising suspicion. The message was read — any chuckles from students were common enough at such readings and did not alert that teacher to anything unusual, and the memo was sent to another class without incident. 

The next break revealed the unexpected great success. There was a line in front of the chart storage room — but no teacher was there to issue bike permit cards. At the staircase, however, one faculty member had taken it upon himself to direct the traffic, loudly hollering “Righthand traffic!” — to the consternation of other students and faculty who had not gotten the news:  it turned out that after a few successful proclamations, the memo had arrived in a class taught by the principal himself, who confiscated it, visibly shaken by some emotion that students could not identlify.  The new, peaceful traffic pattern had just taken hold when the principal interferred to cancel the new rule. 

No further mention nor efforts at implementation of the new policies came to the attention of the conspirators;  after a few days, it seemed that the incident had just been forgotten.

However, several weeks later, a few students had gone to a new public  sauna outfit in town, that had announced a special promotion student discount on Thursday afternoons. It so happened that there also was a group of distinguished (by corpulence) men sweating away in the same hot venue, who turned out to be members of the liberal party in the city council  of that town. And they were discussing a crisis that had arisen in the very school — which was under the jurisdiction of the city.  It seemed that a vicious struggle had arisen between the principal’s effort to get one particular faculty member fired, whom he suspected of having launched a forged memo to the school (for unclear purposes other than self-promotion); and that faculty member who accused the principal of having lost control and confidence of the faculty. It was known that this very faculty member himself had previously insinuated ineffectiveness on the part of the principal, and made no effort to hide his own aspiration to that post. As luck — bad or otherwise — would have it, it was also the same teacher who had so impressively directed the new traffic pattern in the staircase. But he vehemently insisted that accusing him of the authorship of that memo was  just a lurid part of the principal’s own efforts to denigrate and discredit him so as to get him fired and removed as a competitor for the position. 

The poor city council members seemed at a loss about what to do about this affair. The discussion in the hot room got hot — it seemed that there also were issues about party affiliations involved — but had to be discontinued for the group to get into the ice cold pool to cool off.  So there was no opportunity, if there had even been an effort on the part of the students, to enlighten the council members to the naked  truth of the matter — that they were looking at the very authors of the infamous memo. 

There was no indication as to whether and how that crisis had been resolved — neither one of the suspected/accused parties were fired from their respective positions, at least for some time after that incident. And the old man had lost track of any further developments, since his family moved to another city soon afterwards and he had enrolled in a different school.  

But he could not resist a secret chuckle at the memory of the incident. And he resolved to use it in his social network activity to remind his social network systems thinking friends of the unpredictability of spurious context interference into social systems behavior patterns and change strategies.